Thousands of Ethiopians Held a Protest Addis Ababa Against the Killing of their brothers in Libya by the Islamic extremists.
Many angry protesters departed from the homes of two of the victims and tried to reach Meskel Square, the Ethiopian capital’s main gathering place, but police blocked them. They also tried to go to the Parliament but were blocked again.
Watch the Video Below
Images of ISIS Protest in Addis Ababa
Thousands of Ethiopians March Against Islamic Extremism turned to violent clash with Police force. Hundreds Arrested.
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — More than 100,000 Ethiopians on Wednesday protested the killing of Ethiopian Christians in Libya and their own government’s failure to raise living standards of the poor, with poverty fueling the flow of migrants through dangerous areas.
The government-supported march at Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square turned violent as stone-throwing protesters clashed with the police, who arrested at least 100 people.
The protesters said “We want revenge for our sons blood,” referring to Ethiopians seen being beheaded or shot in a video released on Sunday by the extremist group Islamic State. The Ethiopian victims are widely believed to have been captured in Libya while trying to reach Europe.
Ahaza Kassaye, the mother of one of the victims identified as Eyasu Yikunoamlak, told The Associated Press during the protest Wednesday that she was overwhelmed by the massive turnout.
“I’m happy now. I’m very happy. I was just mourning the death of my son with family members and my neighbors. I never expected this to happen,” she said.
Ahaza, who had to seek shelter in a cafe when the protest turned violent, said she hoped the government would react to the killings by closing all illegal border crossings and arresting suspected human traffickers.
Even as the Islamic State killings have roiled many here, some young people in Addis Ababa said they they would still attempt the perilous journey to Europe, often via Sudan and then Libya, if they had enough money to cover the smugglers’ fees.
Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said that, while poverty was the root cause of the migrations, smugglers were to blame for encouraging poor people to pursue what he called “the death journey.”
Ethiopian lawmakers on Tuesday were debating a possible response to the Islamic State killings, but it remains unclear if military action is an option. The government has announced three days of nation-wide mourning over the killings.
Source: ABC News
Hundreds of thousands Ethiopians came out Wednesday protested the killing of their brothers in Libya by the Islamist extremists.
Protesters also start voicing their anger on government’s failure to raise living standards of the poor, with poverty fueling the flow of migrants through dangerous trips to Middle eastern countries and Europe. The protesters said “We want revenge for our sons blood,” referring to Ethiopians seen being beheaded or shot in a video released on Sunday by the extremist group Islamic State.
The government-supported March at Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square turned violent as stone-throwing protesters clashed with the police, Police arrested hundreds of people.
(From left) Abraham Naizghi, Yasin Abdulaziz, Yohannes Mebrahtu, Nael Goitom, Thomas Ghiwet and Aman Shishay escaped IS in Libya after one month of captivity
A 16-year-old Eritrean migrant who escaped captivity under the Islamic State (Isis) in Libya has exclusively told IBTimes UK that the jihadists forced him to watch the beheading and shooting of Eritrean and Ethiopian Christians.
Nael Goitom, ( Nathnael Goitom ) 16, fled IS captivity along with four other Eritreans minors on 7 April after the extremists decided to move their Libyan camp in the desert to hide from the fighting in the area.
“We thought: it’s better to try to escape than to wait to be slaughtered by them,” he told IBTimes UK in an interview. They walked for four days before reaching a settled area and asking for help.
Under more than a month of IS captivity, the Christian boys were forced to learn the Koran to become “Cubs of the Caliphate”. “They asked us ‘what do you choose, to be killed or to become Muslims?’ Of course we choose the latter. ‘We’ll fight for you’, we said,” Nael said.
But the most harrowing account regards the execution of dozens of Ethiopian and Eritrean Christians in Libya by IS militants, which was shown in a 30-minute video featuring extensive rants against Christianity and the West.
The final part of the clip shows a group of men dressed in black who are said to be hostages in southern Libya held by a group of IS fighters clutching machine guns.
Then, the prisoners are shot in the back of the head. The video also depicts masked militants escorting a group of men in orange jumpsuits along a beach. The men’s severed heads are later shown in the sand.
‘We were forced to watch IS cutting heads’
“They made me watch everything,” Nael said. “After the kidnapping they put us in one big hole, Eritreans and Ethiopians.”
“Then one day they came over and brought black clothes and asked 47 people to wear them. Then, they took them to the sea. They also carried 10 minors, I was among them. I saw when IS shot them dead. We kept screaming,” he continued.
The jihadists reportedly did the same with the rest of the group – about 14 people – who were forced to wear orange jumpsuits. “We were forced to watch IS cut their heads,” Nael said.
The boy was kidnapped on 3 March after he crossed Libya from Sudan along with other 61 Eritrean men, 10 Eritrean women and 8 Ethiopians. About 20 or 30 armed IS members stopped the Tripoli-bound caravan of migrants in the middle of the southern Libyan desert and they started asking religious questions.
“They wanted to know who was Muslim among us. We Christians had crosses and pictures of Jesus, so we really couldn’t hide it,” he said.
‘I keep seeing people being slaughtered and shot one by one’
Somalians were allowed to continue, while Eritreans and Ethiopians were driven to the IS camp in the desert. There were about 300-400 members of the jihadist group in the camp and for days the prisoners, who were tied and held in a large hole, were told that “the boss will come and decided our destiny”.
Nael recognised three Eritreans fighting for IS. “We hoped they were going to help us, but instead they showed no emotions,” he said.
After his escape, Nael and four other minors – Yohannes Mebrahtu, Thomas Ghiwet, Abraham Naizghi and Aman Shishay – walked for four days before running into a Sudanese man who drove them towards the Sahara where most of the refugees gather. Then, a smuggler got them into Tripoli, where Nael’s brother lives.
Despite the lucky escape, Nael is still traumatised by the ordeal.
“I’m starting to process it now. Until a few days ago it was just a matter of survival. Now I have a lot of nightmares, I keep seeing people being slaughtered and shot one by one,” he said.
News Source: IBTimes.co.uk
The Tragic Death of 28 Ethiopians and U. S. Ethiopia Policy
By Daniel Teferra (PhD)*
On April 19, 2015, a violent, extremist group disclosed its video of the gruesome killing of 28 innocent young Ethiopians on the Mediterranean beach along the Libyan Coast. This senseless act has caused a huge resentment among Ethiopians towards the current Regime and the U. S. Ethiopia policy.
The present U. S. Policy toward Ethiopia is rooted in the London Meeting of May 27-28, 1991, whereby rebel decisions were imposed on the Ethiopian people, sanctioned by the United States Government. This was a violation of the fundamental principle of democracy, representation and playing by fair rules. For the last 24 years, the people of Ethiopia have been forced to live under a divisive and repressive regime.
American financial and diplomatic assistance has emboldened Ethiopia’s rulers to be more repressive and callous in the treatment of the Ethiopian people. As a result, poor and desperate young Ethiopians are braving the scorching heat of desert lands and the violent waves of the Mediterranean Sea to reach the shores of Europe in search of freedom and economic opportunities. Yet, the U. S. Government officials want us to believe that Ethiopia is a democracy and one of the fastest growing economies in the world. If this were true, so many young Ethiopians would not risk their lives to flee their country.
The people of Ethiopia, just like those in democratic countries, have the right to enjoy the blessings of freedom and democracy. However, the people of Ethiopia have never had such an opportunity. While the Ethiopian people are still suffering, the U. S. Government unfortunately continues to support a repressive regime in Ethiopia at the expense of the legitimate aspiration of the Ethiopian people for freedom and democracy.
The U. S Government is capable of fostering a genuine transition to freedom and democracy in Ethiopia for mutual benefit of the two peoples of America and Ethiopia. BUT this capability can only be realized through a unified voice of Ethiopian Americans (including this Writer) to represent before the U. S. Congress the genuine aspiration of the Ethiopian people for freedom and democracy.
The 28 brave sons of Ethiopia did not die in vain. May they rest in peace.
*Emeritus Professor of Economics at Ferris State University; teferrad@uww.edu; UW-Whitewater.
by Hassen Hussein @HusseinHxhuss10
Ethiopians will head to the polls in a few weeks. Typically, elections are occasions to make important choices and vent anger at the incumbent. But on May 24, Ethiopians will be able to do neither. In the last decade, authorities have systematically closed the political space through a series of anti-terrorism, press and civil society laws. Ethiopia’s ruling party, now in power for close to 24 years, won the last four elections. The government has systematically weakened the opposition and does not tolerate any form of dissent.
The heightened crackdown on freedom of expression has earned Ethiopia the distinction of being the world’s fourth-most-censored country and the second leading jailer of journalists in Africa, behind only its archrival, Eritrea, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.
There is little hope that the 2015 elections would be fundamentally different from the 2010 polls, in which the ruling party won all but two of the 547 seats in the rubber-stamp national parliament. The ruling party maintains a monopoly over the media. Authorities have shown little interest in opening up the political space for a more robust electoral contest. This was exemplified by the exclusion of key opposition parties from the race, continuing repression of those running and Leenco Lata’s recent failed attempt to return home to pursue peaceful political struggle after two decades of exile. (Lata is the founder of the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front, fighting since 1973 for the rights of the Oromo, Ethiopia’s marginalized majority population, and the president of the Oromo Democratic Front.)
A few faces from the fragmented and embittered opposition maybe elected to parliament in next month’s lackluster elections. But far from healing Ethiopia’s gashing wounds, the vote is likely to ratchet up tensions. In fact, a sea of youth, many too young to vote, breaking police barriers to join opposition rallies bespeaks not of a country ready for elections but one ripe for a revolution with unpredictable consequences.
Despite these mounting challenges, Ethiopia’s relative stability — compared with its deeply troubled neighbors Somalia, South Sudan, Eritrea and Djibouti — is beyond contention. Even looking further afield, across the Red Sea, where Yemen is unraveling, one finds few examples of relative stability. This dynamic and Ethiopia’s role in the “war on terrorism” explains Washington’s and other donors’ failure to push Ethiopia toward political liberalization.
However, Ethiopia’s modicum of stability is illusory and bought at a hefty price: erosion of political freedoms, gross human rights violations and ever-growing discontent. This bodes ill for a country split by religious, ethnic and political cleavages. While at loggerheads with each other, Ethiopia’s two largest ethnic groups — the Oromo (40 percent) and the Amhara (30 percent) — are increasingly incensed by continuing domination by Tigreans (6 percent).
Ethiopian Muslims (a third of the country’s population of 94 million) have been staging protests throughout the country since 2011. Christian-Muslim relations, historically cordial, are being tested by religious-inspired violence and religious revivalism around the world. Ethiopia faces rising pressures to choose among three paths fraught with risks: the distasteful status quo; increased devolution of power, which risks balkanization; and more centralization, which promises even further resistance and turmoil.
It is unlikely that the soul searching from recent tragedies will prompt the authorities to make a course adjustment. If the country’s history of missed opportunities for all-inclusive political and economic transformation is any guide, Ethiopians might be in for a spate of more sad news. As long as the answer to these questions focuses on security, the door is left wide open for further exodus and potential social unrest from an increasingly despondent populace.
ETHIOPIA’S ELECTIONS, scheduled for May 24, are shaping up to be anything but democratic. A country that has often been held up as a poster child for development has been stifling civic freedoms and systematically cracking down on independent journalism for several years.
It was consequently startling to hear the State Department’s undersecretary of state for political affairs, Wendy Sherman, declare during a visit to Addis Ababa on April 16 that “Ethiopia is a democracy that is moving forward in an election that we expect to be free, fair and credible.” The ensuing backlash from Ethiopians and human rights advocates was deserved.
Ms. Sherman’s lavish praise was particularly unjustified given Ethiopia’s record on press freedom: It has imprisoned 19 journalists, more than any other country in Africa. According to a new report by the Committee to Protect Journalists, the country ranks fourth on its list of the top 10 most censored countries in the world. At least 16 journalists have been forced into exile, and a number of independent publications have shut down due to official pressure.
Last weekend marked one year since six bloggers were arrested and jailed without trial. The “Zone 9” bloggers, who used their online platforms to write about human rights and social justice and to agitate for a democracy in Ethiopia, were charged with terrorism under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, which has been used to clamp down on numerous journalists critical of the regime. Today, the bloggers remain imprisoned, awaiting what will likely be a trial by farce.
As for the elections, opposition parties say the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front , led by Hailemariam Desalegn, has undermined their efforts to register candidates for the May vote. Since last year, members of opposition parties and their supporters have been arrested and harassed. In March, the sole opposition leader in Parliament said he would not run for reelection due to state interference with his party’s affairs. The EPRDF, which has been in power since 1991, was reported to have won the last elections in 2010 with 99.6 percent of the vote.
The State Department released a statement last week urging Ethiopia to release journalists who have been imprisoned for doing their jobs. But as the considerably more high-profile statement by Ms. Sherman indicated, the Obama administration has been reluctant to criticize what it regards as a key security ally in the Horn of Africa. A State Department spokeswoman confirmed this week that Ms. Sherman’s comments “fully reflect the U.S. government’s positions on these issues.”
With its ancient culture, strategic location and population of 94 million, Ethiopia is indeed key to the future of eastern Africa. But that does not justify make-believe statements or a go-softly approach that is not working. The United States should stop funneling millions of aid dollars to a regime that has continued to choke off the media, hamper the participation of opposition parties and silence its critics. If the election is not judged by independent observers to live up to Ms. Sherman’s billing, the administration should swallow her words — and change its approach.
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(CNN)Ethiopian food may still be a niche cuisine across the globe, but that might not be the case for long. From Washington, D.C. to London, Ethiopian restaurants are earning awards and accolades. Inside the country, the traditionally hearty cuisine is also being given a gourmet twist.
Scroll through the gallery below for an overview of some of the best Ethiopian fare, from traditional wots to fusion flare.
Gourmet Ethiopia – Antica Restaurants & Farm in Addis Ababa is one institution that has started experimenting with Ethiopian ingredients. Chef Yohannes Hailemariam has created several fusion dishes, including a lasagne made from teff.
Teff – Much of Ethiopian cuisine centers around teff, a popular grain. Ethiopian farmers winnow the crop to separate the seeds from the stalks. The seeds are then taken to the local mill. Because it is gluten-free, teff is growing in popularity abroad.
Injera – Teff is used to make injera, a tangy, spongy flat bread that is served with many dishes in Ethiopia, such as the variety of vegetarian and meat-based wots, or stews. The teff is fermented to give the bread its signature sour flavor.
Ethiopian pizza – Hailemariam has also created an Ethiopian version of pizza, which also uses teff. Because teff is gluten-free, the dough doesn’t have the same elasticity of traditional pizza dough. To combat this, he adds a touch of wheat flour and extra egg. He uses African ingredients and cooks the pizza in a clay oven.
Berbere – Many of Ethiopia’s rich stews are seasoned with berbere, a heady spice mix that blends garlic, red pepper, coriander, cloves and a variety of other ingredients. Tibs, a beef or lamb stew, is made from a paste using berbere, onion and clarified butter.
Coffee – Ethiopia is widely considered the birthplace of coffee, and as such, it’s no surprise that the beverage plays heavily in Ethiopia’s culture, tradition and economy. Guests are often treated to a coffee ceremony, and coffee accounts for about 25% of Ethiopia’s export earnings.
By Abebech Tamene
ADDIS ABABA
Ethiopian veterans, who gathered on Tuesday to commemorate comrades who fell during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War (1936-1940), say Rome should apologize and provide compensation for its use of chemical weapons – namely, mustard gas – during the conflict.
“Italy should issue an apology and compensate Ethiopia for all of its war crimes, in particular for the chemical attack against Ethiopians,” Daniel Jote Mesfin, head of the Ethiopian Patriots’ Association, told The Anadolu Agency.
Italy’s Benito Mussolini regime tried to invade Ethiopia for the second time in 1936 after Italian troops were defeated in the Battle of Adwa in 1896.
On May 5 of each year, Ethiopian veterans gather to commemorate Ethiopian Patriots’ Victory Day to honor their brothers-in-arms who fell in the conflict, during which Italy used mustard gas against Ethiopian villages and Red Cross camps.
“Italy used mustard gas to attack Ethiopians despite the Geneva Protocol, a treaty that prohibits the use of such chemicals,” Daniel, who fought in the war, said.
“The gas killed many people in North Shoa, Addis Ababa and Wollo. The dead bodies of about 100,000 Ethiopians were buried, but many weren’t buried because of the heavy fighting,” he added.
“The call for justice is growing among Ethiopians abroad and at home,” Daniel, the son of well-known Ethiopian veteran Ras Mesfin Sileshi, asserted.
Italy provided some funding for the construction of Ethiopia’s Koka Dam, located 75km southeast of Addis Ababa. However, said Daniel, this was not sufficient compensation given the enormity of Italy’s wartime crimes.
“The current generation [of Ethiopians] is speaking loud, saying Italy should ask Ethiopia’s forgiveness and must pay compensation,” he asserted.
“Italy is building a mausoleum for its general, Rudolfo Graziani, who was the main actor in the war crimes against Ethiopia,” he added. “We strongly oppose this, as a genocide criminal does not deserve such an honor.”
Mohamed Habib, a professor of international law at Addis Ababa University, said that, in terms of international law, Italy had committed “a significant and extraordinary crime.”
“It invaded a sovereign state [Ethiopia] and attempted to dismantle the country’s state system,” he said. “This was unacceptable under international law at the time.”
“Italian governments that came after Benito Mussolini should admit the crime, issue an apology and compensate Ethiopians,” said Habib.
“An expression of remorse and compensation is necessary,” he added. “The Ethiopian people have the right to request an apology and be compensated.”
Improved ties
According to Ethiopian Foreign Ministry documents, the two former enemies “have overcome the problem arising from the era of colonialism and fascism that have affected their relations from time to time.”
Relations between the two countries have improved in recent years, the documents read, and Italy had come to be viewed as “one of the most valuable partners for economic cooperation.”
Italy contributed substantial funding for the construction of Ethiopia’s Gilgel Gibe II and III dams. There are also a number of Italian companies currently working on projects in Ethiopia.
The construction contract for the multibillion-dollar Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam was awarded to Italian construction firm Salini Impregilo.
The total trade volume between the two countries stood at $22.7 million in 2011.
Last Friday, Ethiopia’s parliament approved an $8.9-million interest-free loan agreement with Italy, funds from which will be used to expand basic services.
Not enough
However, another veteran who fought in the war said Ethiopia was “unable to forgive Italy” for its use of chemical weapons in the conflict.
“What Italian troops did during the war is unforgivable,” Maj. Dejene Meshesha, 88, told AA.
“I know that the Ethiopian government has established relations with Italy,” said Dejene in full military dress sporting various medals.
“I cannot oppose these relations, but I will never accept Italy’s friendship, as I saw how it massacred innocent Ethiopians with poisonous gas,” he added.
“There are no words to describe the brutality of the Italian troops,” he recalled. “I was 15 at the time and still suffer from the horror of the war; I still feel it.”
Another veteran, 97-year-old Sergeant Demissie Tsegaye, was only 19 when he went to the front with his father, brother and uncle.
“All of them were killed by the Italians,” he said. “Only I survived to continue the fighting alongside other patriots.”
“The Italian attack was accompanied by numerous atrocities, including the use of mustard gas,” Demissie recalled. “Many of the dead were left unburied, becoming food for vultures and hyenas.”
“I still feel pain when I remember the dead bodies of civilians and patriots left unburied,” he remembers bitterly.
Despite the passage of more than 70 years, he said, “I still suffer from post-traumatic stress.”
Besides buildings, transport infrastructure is also being overhauled in the Ethiopian capital. In fact, Addis Ababa’s $475million metro rail has drawn to completion barely three years since construction began in 2012. The metro rail, which is expected to carry 60,000 passengers a day, is the first of its kind in Sub-Saharan Africa outside of South Africa. Meanwhile, Kenya, Ethiopia’s close neighbor, is still stuck in the planning stage of its own metro rail even as Nairobi loses Sh50 million ($520k) daily in lost productivity due to traffic jams.
The feverish pace at which construction is taking place in Addis Ababa is aimed at aligning the city’s infrastructure to the rate of growth of the country’s economy. A report on South Africa’s Daily maverick acknowledges that “over the last decade, Ethiopia has emerged as one of the fastest-growing – perhaps THE fastest-growing – economies in Africa.” Its number of millionaires has also expanded commensurately.
But Ethiopia is not like other African economies. Whereas Africa’s recent boom derives from mineral resources, Ethiopia’s growth has been primarily driven by manufacturing, agriculture and transport. This has led some to draw parallels between Ethiopia’s journey and China’s success narrative
Ethiopia’s economic journey, particularly its success in manufacturing, brings into focus the similarities between the African nation and China. Like China, Ethiopia has a huge population, at least when compared to other African countries. There are approximately 94 million people in Ethiopia, making it the second most populous country in Africa after Nigeria. Ethiopia also has a very young population—44 percent of its population is under 15 and 73 percent under 30.
A huge working population, coupled with heavy government control that limits unionization, has made labor very affordable in Ethiopia. Just like China, Ethiopian government maintains heavy control on the economy, including the labor market.
With a similar demographic profile and policy framework to China, Ethiopia’s manufacturing sector has been able to clock strong growth in the past years. Mr. Zhang Huarong, the chairman of Chinese shoe manufacturer Huajian said that “Ethiopia is exactly like China 30 years ago.” Huarong, whose company has set shop in Ethiopia with a workforce of 3,500, was speaking to global business news agency, Bloomberg.
Beer manufacturers have also poured into Ethiopia. UK giant, Diageo, as an example, purchased formerly state-owned Meta Abo Brewery in 2012 for $225 million. Dutch heavyweight Heineken also entered the market in 2011 after acquiring state-owned Harar and Bedele Breweries. These entries suggest that the fundamentals on the ground support domestic manufacturing as opposed to importation. This speaks to the country’s favorable conditions for manufacturing—cheap labor and cheap electricity. The country is currently constructing Africa’s largest hydropower plant, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopian officials claim will be financed by the country’s own finances and not foreigners. Increased power supply should lower power bills for large consumers such as manufacturers, leading to expanded investments in the manufacturing sector.
While the relation between democracy and development is another argument altogether, it is almost uncontestable that a greater degree of government control gets major projects off the ground much faster, especially in developing countries. Neil Ford, associate editor at pan-African business publication, African Business, writes that: “historically, the introduction of major public transport schemes has been fraught with difficulty and has historically been most easily implemented in non-democratic societies.” The speed with which the metro rail in Ethiopia has been constructed lends credence to this observation, suggesting that the pace at which infrastructure development takes place in developing countries is directly relatable to the degree of state control on business.
Perhaps the rest of Africa can borrow a cue from Ethiopia, and to a greater extent, China. While this does not necessarily imply upending the prevailing model of democracy across Africa, certain modifications can be made to give the state greater latitude in mega projects that, without heavy state control, would be stalled by court cases and politics.
State control in the economy, as Ethiopia and China have shown, is not necessarily a bad thing. “The idea is a state with a sense of mission,” said Dereje Feyissa Dori, Africa research director at the International Law and Policy Institute, who is based in Addis Ababa.
Source: moneymattersafrica.com
The party has ruled since 1991 when it seized power following a prolonged civil war. It dominates all major political, economic, and social institutions, has virtually eliminated independent political space, and opposition parties are fractured and harassed. Ethiopia has jailed more journalists than any other country in Africa.
The EPRDF is an extremely strong and effective authoritarian party. Yet Wendy Sherman, the Under Secretary of Political Affairs in the Department of State, recently said, “Ethiopia is a democracy that is moving forward in an election that we expect to be free, fair and credible.” What roles do elections play in authoritarian states and what, if anything, do they have to do with “free, fair, and credible” standards?
Part of the answer is to recognize that elections and political parties in autocratic states play different roles than they do in democratic states. Electoral processes are used by authoritarian regimes to consolidate power and to demonstrate the ruling party’s dominance, as argued by scholars of comparative politics such as Schedler and Gandhi and Lust-Okar. Research by Geddes shows that single-party authoritarian regimes tend to be more stable and last longer than military or personalistic ones. Strong parties manage instability by encouraging intra-elite compromise, co-opting opposition, and institutionalizing incentives to reward loyalty. Elections and strong political parties thereby contribute to “authoritarian resilience,” as scholars note with reference to China, Iran and Syria, and Zimbabwe.
Non-competitive elections are common in authoritarian states and incumbents often win by incredible margins. In Sudan, President Omar al-Bashir won 94 percent of the vote in April 2015 elections, Uzbek President Islam Karimov over 90 percent in March 2015, and Kazak President Nursultan Nazarbayev 97 percent in April 2015. Rwandan President Paul Kagame, when asked if his 93 percent landslide in 2010 represented the will of the people, reportedly answered: “So, 93 percent – I wonder why it wasn’t higher than that?” The EPRDF’s 99.6 percent victory in 2010 created credibility problems in North American and European capitals where diplomats often asked, “Couldn’t they have just won by 60 or 75 percent?” But the point of elections under authoritarian rule is not to obtain a working majority or to win international approval. The purpose is to dominate domestic politics completely and thereby deter any leader from thinking he or she could challenge ruling party successfully. The dramatic, overwhelming victories send an important domestic message of strength and power, even as they strain credibility abroad.
The EPRDF recognizes the dangers it faces from competitive elections and that it democratizes at its peril. In 2005 Ethiopia held competitive elections, complete with significant opposition participation, major rallies, and televised debates. According to official results, the opposition’s share of seats in parliament increased from 12 to 172, representing 31 percent of the total. The opposition parties swept all the seats in Addis Ababa and many cabinet ministers and high-ranking officials lost their positions. This shift represented the potential for an important advance in democratization and a major break in the ruling party’s domination.
Members of the opposition, however, refused to accept the results and claimed that massive fraud had denied them outright victory. Some opposition leaders boycotted the parliament. Post-election demonstrations turned violent and were brutally put down by the Ethiopian military, leaving nearly 200 dead and an estimated 30,000 arrested. The 2005 election began with a democratic opening but ended with what the Department of State characterized as the criminalization of dissent.
In the aftermath of the 2005 crisis, the EPRDF responded by demonstrating its extraordinary strength in using the levers of state power and its considerable organizational capacities to control all aspects of political life. New laws largely eliminated civil society institutions and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation has been used against journalists and other critics. Just before a visit by Secretary of State Kerry in April 2014, the regime arrested a group of young bloggers who called themselves Zone Nine and charged them with terrorism. Washington recently urged Addis Ababa “to refrain from using its Anti-Terrorism Proclamation as a mechanism to curb the free exchange of ideas.”
As a consequence of its restrictions on politics over the past decade, the ruling party has little to worry about with regard to the opposition parties competing in the upcoming elections. The limits on formal political competition have made social mobilization outside of the electoral process more important. A series of non-violent protests in 2012 by Ethiopian Muslims provided an important model of sustained, peaceful social mobilization. The regime arrested the movement’s leadership and has tried to link the protests to external enemies and terrorism. In 2014, the security services quickly suppressed demonstrations on university campuses by Oromos, highlighting the historical sense of marginalization perceived by many in Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group. In April 2015, a government organized rally to mourn the killing of Ethiopian migrants in Libya by the Islamic State (ISIS) ended with arrests and clashes between security forces and protestors. The Ethiopian regime has managed each of these challenges without significant difficulty but the underlying grievances remain.
Under Secretary of State Sherman characterized Ethiopia’s elections in terms of “free, fair, and credible” but that obscures the nature of the regime and mischaracterizes the functions of elections under authoritarianism. A Washington Post editorial recently criticized Sherman and argued: “If the election is not judged by independent observers to live up to Ms. Sherman’s billing, the administration should swallow her words — and change its approach.” But the results in Ethiopia and other authoritarian regimes holding elections are largely settled months if not years in advance, as powerful ruling parties restrict political opposition, civil society, and independent media in ways that virtually eliminate competition. The voting that will take place on May 24 will not provide citizens a meaningful role in selecting their next government. Such elections, however, are not pointless. As in other authoritarian states, elections play a key role in providing the setting for the ruling party to demonstrate its domination.
Terrence Lyons is an Associate Professor at the School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University. He began his research on Ethiopia in 1987, served as Senior Advisor to the Carter Center’s election monitoring mission to Ethiopia in 2005, and currently is writing a book on Ethiopian politics since 1991.
Addis Ababa — The leader of Ethiopia’s newest opposition party hopes discontent among urban youth will win him support in a weekend election that could otherwise be a clean sweep for the ruling party in Africa’s most populous nation after Nigeria.
Over 36 million people have registered for the May 24 polls, the country’s first election since long-serving leader Meles Zenawi died in 2012.
His Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has been in power for almost a quarter of a century, and faces no reasonable prospect of defeat – the current 547-seat parliament has just one opposition member.
Yilekal Getinet, chairman of the three-year old Blue Party, or Semayawi in Amharic, says it originally put forward 400 candidates but electoral authorities cut the list to 139.
Semayawi expects to win seats in the urban areas in spite of such obstacles.
“The people’s anger is increasing from time to time. By the strong opposition from the people and demands for further changes we may win in towns,” he said.
Semayawi, which wants less government involvement in the economy, sees itself as offering change in Ethiopian politics, with the vast majority of its members younger than 35.
Some 57 opposition parties are taking part in the polls but analysts say they present no real threat.
The opposition won an unprecedented 147 seats in an election 10 years ago but most of them did not join parliament, alleging the ballot had been rigged. Many of then spent two years behind bars on charges of inciting violence.
LOTTERY
Yilekal says over 50 party members have been detained by police, and accuses the government of unfairly allocating financial resources to the ruling party and depriving opposition parties of television air time, claims rejected by authorities.
Yilekal’s name will not be on the ballot after he was disqualified by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), which ran a draw to pick candidates for 52 parties that had never taken part in an election.
NEBE chairperson Merga Bekana said most of Semayawi’s candidates had broken electoral rules by belonging to another party, adding the board had been tough on all sides.
Two ruling party members have been arrested in recent days on charges of breaking the law, Merga said, adding the environment was “conducive” to open politics.
Yilekal was not reassured. “There may be an increment in some numbers but that does not show that Ethiopia is in a democratic process. The whole process is deteriorating,” he said. (Editing by Ed Cropley and Dominic Evans)
Ashebir Woldegiorgis (MD)
TheEthiopianReporter By : Neamin Ashenafi
The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) has postponed elections in the town of Bonga in the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR) due to clashes between supporters of an independent candidate and the ruling party.
Election campaign between independent candidate Ashebir Woldegiorgis (MD) and Mebratu Gebremariam, who represents the Southern Peoples Democratic Movement (SPDM), for Gimbo constituency in the town of Bonga, Kaffa zone of SNNPR, were marred by clashes between supporters of the two candidates.
Wendimu Golla, deputy head of the Office of NEBE, has confirmed to The Reporter the postponement of the election which was to be held on Sunday May 24, 2015.
“So as to conduct a peaceful election, the board has decided to postpone the election for an unspecified period of time,” Wendimu told The Reporter.
Ashebir won a seat in parliament from his stronghold in Gimbo constituency during the 2010 general election becoming the sole independent parliamentarian. His victory in 2010 came after a fiercely contested campaign with Berhanu Adelo, who represented SPDM – the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) affiliate. Ashebir has been elected vice president of Pan-African Parliament.
Business is booming in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital. There is construction almost everywhere, a symbol of Ethiopia’s impressive economic growth over the past decade.
Gone are the days of famine and grinding poverty, the government story goes. This is Ethiopia 2015, which they say, is on course to becoming a middle-income country by 2025.
To add to this remarkably rosy picture, Ethiopia’s 90 million citizens are part of a healthy, multi-party democracy that holds elections every five years, the government says.
But not everyone agrees with this inspirational story of growth and democracy in what remains one of the poorest countries in Africa.
They ask why, if everything is so good at home, are thousands of Ethiopians among the tidal wave of desperate people who make the perilous journey across the Mediterranean in search of freedom and jobs.
The government has been deemed one of the most heavily censored countries in the world, and has been accused of mercilessly stifling political opposition and civil liberties, and of imprisoning those who do not toe the line. Its critics say those who do not go to jail, are intimidated into voting for the ruling party.
Ahead of Ethipia’s May 24 parliamentary elections,we travelled to Addis Ababa to ask Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn about his party’s record, the global criticism of his government, and the reports on human rights abuses. And we ask him about the opposition, democracy, Ethiopia’s economy and foreign policy, and so much more, as he talks to Al Jazeera.
Source: Al Jazeera
By Drazen Jorgic
ADDIS ABABA May 22 (Reuters) – Ethiopia’s economy is expected to grow by 9.5 percent this fiscal year ending June before accelerating to 10.5 percent in 2015/16, the World Bank said on Friday, adding inflation will remain in single digits during this period.
The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has touted its economic achievements before Sunday’s election, although no one doubts it will sweep to power again, as critics say it stifles any real opposition.
There is just one opposition member of the outgoing parliament.
Lars Christian Moller, the World Bank’s lead economist and program leader for Ethiopia, told Reuters that falling oil prices should help quicken Ethiopia’s growth in 2015/16.
“If lower oil prices are passed on to consumer in the form of lower fuel prices, it gives additional disposable income to consumers,” Moller said in the capital Addis Ababa.
The Ethiopian government has targeted annual growth at about 11 percent for the past five years.
Moller said the service and agriculture sectors are likely to drive growth, along with the booming construction sector, most visible in the capital where new multi-story office blocks and shopping malls have altered the city’s skyline.
He added growth eased slightly in 2014/15 due to below par rains in the mountainous Horn of Africa nation, which remains one of the world’s poorest countries despite boasting one of the highest growth rates across the globe.
Annual inflation is likely to remain in single digits, in line with the government target, Moller said.
The bank predicted inflation would average 7.2 percent this fiscal year, rising to 8.2 percent in the next fiscal year.
After peaking at 64 percent in 2008, inflation in Ethiopia has eased in the past two years, staying below 10 percent.
“We basically interpret that as a policy choice,” he said, adding that in the past, monetary policy played a larger role in facilitating growth.
“They have now shifted their priorities so that they have some degree of price stability, so that means monetary policy will be adjusted so that an inflation target can be met.” (Additional reporting by Aaron Maasho; Editing by Edmund Blair and Toby Chopra)
An election rally staged by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front in Addis Ababa. There is widespread public indifference about the poll. (Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters)
By Daniel Calingaert and Kellen McClure
Ethiopia’s election is a wake-up call on human rights and sound governance
On Sunday, millions of Ethiopians will line up at polling stations to participate in Africa’s largest exercise of political theatre. A decade-long campaign by Ethiopia’s government to silence dissent forcibly has left the country without a viable political opposition, without independent media, and without public challenges to the ruling party’s ideology.
For most Ethiopians, these elections are a non-event.
Ethiopia’s elections are just an exercise in controlled political participation
The one potential dividend of these sham polls, however, is the international attention they will garner for the government’s growing political repression. The blatant disregard for internationally recognised standards for free and fair elections just might convince Ethiopia’s largest donors that it is time to rethink their relationship with an increasingly authoritarian government.
As long as democratic governance and respect for human rights are pushed aside by donors in favour of economic development and security cooperation, Ethiopia’s long-term stability is at serious risk.
By Drazen Jorgic and Aaron Maasho
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) – Ethiopians voted on Sunday in a parliamentary election that is expected to hand a landslide win to the ruling party, which boasts about delivering strong economic growth, while opponents complained that their supporters were harassed.
In power for almost a quarter of a century, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has overseen the transformation of a nation that was on its knees after communist purges and famine to one that now attracts foreign investors.
But critics say it allows little room for dissent. The outgoing parliament of 547 seats had just one opposition member.
“In so many village areas, our people are being harassed and our representatives are being driven away. They are forced to vote for the EPRDF,” Bekele Nagaa, a member of the biggest opposition coalition Medrek, told Reuters.
The government dismissed the charge. It has promised a free and fair vote.
“They (the opposition) have been campaigning freely,” Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn told Reuters as he cast his vote in his Gununo constituency, about 330 km (200 miles) west of Addis Ababa. “There has not been any repression.”
Experts do not expect a major shift in opposition fortunes in this vote, the first since Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn took over from Meles Zenawi, the rebel-turned statesman who died in 2012.
“I will give my vote to the ruling party because I do not have faith in the opposition parties’ ability to govern,” said graphic designer Yohannes Seife, 24.
FAST GROWTH
Ethiopia’s economy has been one of the fastest growing in Africa. The World Bank forecasts growth of 10.5 percent in the year starting in July. But some say it is time for new leaders.
“I’m sick of the ruling party. We are a young country and young people and we need change,” said a 28-year-old who asked that his name not be published for fear of government reprisals. He said he would vote for the opposition Blue party.
With the outcome of the election seen as a certainty, some Ethiopians say they would not bother voting.
“It is already known that the EPRDF will win the vote like the previous elections, by fraud,” said Behailu Ayele, 25.
Provisional results are expected to emerge in a few days, while the final tally is due to be declared next month in the nation of 96 million people and 37 million registered voters.
Rights groups accuse the government of locking up bloggers and journalists for their views, and restricting free speech. Officials deny this and say they only jail people for crimes.
The opposition won an unprecedented 147 seats in an election in 2005 but most winning opposition candidates did not join parliament, saying the ballot was rigged.
In that vote, opponents swept up seats in the capital, Addis Ababa, but many did not take them up, saying the vote was rigged, and riots which followed that poll killed 200 people.
Support for the ruling party is seen as stronger in more rural parts of the country, where many rely on state support.
“We want more work here,” said labourer Tesfaye Tadesse, 30, as he queued to vote in Gununo town. “But I will vote for continuity.”
(Additional reporting by Reuters Television; Writing by Edmund Blair; Editing by Robert Birsel and Andrew Heavens)
Addis Ababa — The Ethiopian Tourism Organization (ETO) has said it is making strong efforts to promote Ethiopia to the rest of the world towards realizing the vision of becoming among the top five tourist destinations in Africa by 2025.
During an exclusive interview with Xinhua, Solomon Tadesse, ETO Chief Executive Officer (CEO), said his organization has a vision of having about 5 million tourists to the country to generate about 7 billion U.S. dollars earnings from the tourism sector by 2025.
To realize the vision, Solomon said improving services is one of the top priorities of his organization.
“Top priority for us now is to make sure that Ethiopia has all the services, world class services to receive tourists.
“So, we are looking at working towards improving all the services, including hotels, lodges, transportation and professional tour guides.
“We are working on that heavily in terms of improving our sites, our services, at the same time we are introducing Ethiopia to the rest of the world,” noted the CEO.
“So, one of the responsibilities would be capacity building as well as marketing products and destination development, and then working with all our stakeholders is another important part.” added Tadesse.
With very old history, diverse culture, beautiful landscape, rich wildlife range as well as suitable weather, Solomon said Ethiopia has the potential for tourism, which can contribute to its economic development.
The CEO also stated that his organization is working with stakeholders to boost the sector in the country.
“Tourism is not just done by one government office.
“Tourism is basically a job of everyone.
“So, the communities will play a role; the service sector which I was mentioning earlier, from the hotels, tour operators, tour guides, each one of them has their own responsibility and duty.
“So, this is a concerted effort; with all these stakeholders to make sure the tourists come to Ethiopia and enjoy Ethiopia,” he said.
Source: Xinhua
Election officials count votes at the end of the voting exercise in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa. — Reuters pic
ADDIS ABABA, May 27 —Ethiopia’s ruling party and its allies have won an overwhelming majority in parliament in weekend elections, the country’s electoral board announced today.
According to preliminary results, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn secured all 442 parliamentary seats so far declared out of the 547 seats up for grabs, said Merga Bekena, president of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia.
The EPRDF, in power in Africa’s second-most populous nation for over two decades, were widely expected to secure a near clean-sweep of parliament, and the outgoing chamber had just one opposition MP.
Ahead of Sunday’s polls, which African Union observers said passed off without incident, the opposition alleged the government had used authoritarian tactics to guarantee victory.
According to the electoral board, the EPRDF also took back the only seat that was held by the opposition, securing all 23 seats in the capital Addis Ababa.
Ethiopia, whose 1984 famine triggered a major global fundraising effort, has experienced near-double-digit economic growth and huge infrastructure investment—making the country one of Africa’s top performing economies and a magnet for foreign investment.
It also remains a favourite of key international donors, despite concerns over human rights, as a bastion of stability in an otherwise troubled region.
Former Marxist rebel-turned-leader Meles Zenawi, who died in 2012, was succeeded by Prime Minister Hailemariam, who has said he is committed to opening up the country’s political system to allow more space for opposition parties.
But rights groups routinely accuse Ethiopia of clamping down on opposition supporters and journalists, and of using anti-terrorism laws to silence dissent and jail critics. Activists have said the polls would not be free or fair due to a lack of freedom of speech.
— AFP
A Press Statement by Deputy Department Spokesperson Marie Harf from the Office of the Spokesperson commented on the country election process and reflect the U.S. concerns regarding the government restrictions on free media, civil society, opposition parties, and independent voices and views.
Read The Full Press Statement Below
The United States commends the people of Ethiopia for their civic participation in generally peaceful parliamentary and regional elections on May 24. We acknowledge the National Electoral Board’s organizational efforts and the African Union’s role as the only international observer mission on the ground. We also note the importance of the nine televised party debates as progress in fostering open public discussion of the challenges facing the country. We encourage all candidates, political parties and their supporters to resolve any outstanding differences or concerns peacefully in accordance with Ethiopia’s constitution and laws.
The United States remains deeply concerned by continued restrictions on civil society, media, opposition parties, and independent voices and views. We regret that U.S. diplomats were denied accreditation as election observers and prohibited from formally observing Ethiopia’s electoral process. Apart from the election observation mission fielded by the African Union, there were no international observer missions on the ground in Ethiopia. We are also troubled that opposition party observers were reportedly prevented from observing the electoral process in some locations.
A free and vibrant media, space for civil society organizations to work on democracy and human rights concerns, opposition parties able to operate without impediment, and a diversity of international and domestic election observers are essential components for free and fair elections. The imprisonment and intimidation of journalists, restrictions on NGO activities, interference with peaceful opposition party activities, and government actions to restrict political space in the lead-up to election day are inconsistent with these democratic processes and norms.
The United States has a broad and strong partnership with Ethiopia and its people. We remain committed to working with the Ethiopian Government and its people to strengthen Ethiopia’s democratic institutions, improve press freedom, and promote a more open political environment consistent with Ethiopia’s international human rights obligations.
Source: U.S. Department of State
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